By Millicent Senava Mannah
As Sierra Leone moves steadily toward the 2028 general elections, a new nationwide survey by the Institute for Governance Reform (IGR) has exposed significant weaknesses in internal democracy within the country’s two dominant political parties, the All People’s Congress (APC) and the Sierra Leone People’s Party (SLPP), while revealing strong grassroots demand for more inclusive candidate-selection processes.
The findings are published in the maiden edition of Sierra Leone’s Political Marathon, a quarterly series launched by IGR to assess the preparedness of political parties for the 2028 elections and to stimulate issue-based political debate.
The IGR survey was conducted between December 8 and 13, 2025, using face-to-face interviews with 1,200 Sierra Leoneans aged 18 and above across all regions of the country. A key limitation identified by the researchers is the absence of publicly available databases of registered members of either the SLPP or APC, making it impossible to sample exclusively from card-carrying party members or officially designated party delegates.
During a validation meeting, leaders of both parties argued that sampling the general population, rather than a randomised list of party delegates who elect party leaders, limits the survey’s ability to predict outcomes of party primaries and accurately capture internal decision-making.
However, IGR maintains that this critique overlooks the practical realities of party politics in Sierra Leone. Party membership, in practice, extends far beyond formal registration. Many citizens actively mobilise, campaign, protest, and advocate for political parties without possessing membership cards. Moreover, party delegates are selected at community level and are expected to represent grassroots preferences.
With 74 percent of respondents identifying as party members or supporters, IGR argues that the findings provide a credible reflection of the views, priorities, and frustrations of party faithful who remain largely excluded from internal party decision-making.
The survey shows that partisan identification remains high, with 74 percent of respondents identifying with either the APC or SLPP. Party affiliation is evenly split between the two parties, each accounting for 37 percent of respondents. The survey did not differentiate between card-carrying members and supporters.
Men and women were equally represented, while youth aged 18 to 35 made up half of all respondents, highlighting the central role young people will play in future elections.
Despite this strong identification, participation in party primaries is low. Only 18 percent of self-identified party members or supporters said they take part in nomination processes, while just 26 percent reported voting in party primaries. Men were consistently more likely than women to participate, raising concerns about inclusivity and representation.
In both APC and SLPP, delegates elected at ward, constituency, district, regional, and national levels vote for flagbearer candidates at party conventions. However, interviews conducted alongside the survey suggest that national party officials often exert significant influence over delegates’ decisions, sometimes through persuasion, recommendation, coercion, or by invoking party constitutional provisions to veto candidates.
This imbalance between grassroots participation and centralised control has historically contributed to internal conflicts, court cases, and the emergence of breakaway parties over the past two decades.
When presented with options for selecting presidential flagbearers, respondents overwhelmingly favoured inclusive approaches. Seventy-seven percent of SLPP supporters and 74 percent of APC supporters said all card-holding members should vote directly in flagbearer primaries, rather than leaving the decision to a small group of party elites.
The findings signal growing dissatisfaction with elite-dominated selection processes and increasing demand for transparent, participatory internal democracy.
To assess leadership preferences, IGR employed two measures, likability and electability. Respondents were asked to name three individuals they liked and three they would be willing to vote for as president.
Within the APC, Sheikh Kamara, popularly known as Jagaban, emerged as the clear front-runner, recording 63 percent likability and 51 percent electability. He is the only aspirant across both parties to surpass the 50 percent electability threshold. He is followed by Dr. Samura Kamara (31 percent), former Vice President Sam Sumana (15 percent), and former parliamentary minority leader Chernor Bah (13 percent).
Within the SLPP, the race remains open. No aspirant secured majority backing among party supporters. Kandeh K. Yumkella leads with 48 percent likability and 38 percent electability, followed by Chief Minister David Sengeh (27 percent), First Lady Fatima Bio (26 percent), and Vice President Juldeh Jalloh (24 percent).
Although the First Lady performs strongly in the SLPP’s Eastern Region stronghold, the survey also reveals widespread resistance to political succession within presidential families. Fifty-two percent of respondents oppose the idea of close relatives, such as spouses or children,contesting the presidency immediately after a sitting president completes their term. This sentiment mirrors public opposition to tenure-extension debates witnessed during the final years of the Ernest Bai Koroma administration.
IGR concludes that while party loyalty remains strong, internal democratic participation is weak. As the country approaches the 2028 elections, the survey sends a clear warning: citizens and party faithful want meaningful participation, transparent candidate selection, and leadership driven by policies rather than elite bargaining.
How political parties respond to these demands may prove decisive for the credibility of their primaries, and for the health of Sierra Leone’s democracy.
